We are in Black History Month in the UK, and it feels like it’s time for a re-evaluation. Throughout its history, an event that was initiated as a festivity and recollection of the past, cultural identity and bonds between Black populations worldwide, has taken on a business-like atmosphere, expanding to include functions where individuals of African heritage are compensated to speak with white audiences about “unconscious bias” and “allyship”. The demonstrations for racial justice in the 2020s sparked an increase in the business of displaying cultural sensitivity. Yet, that phase is now over. The wave has crested, resulting in a somewhat empty inheritance of what promoting consciousness is for.
First commemorated in the United States and Canada, Black History Month was conceived in 1962 as a week dedicated to Negro history by African American historian Carter G. Woodson with seven days of commemoration and observance in the middle of February. Black History Month evolved from this initiative and was publicly established in 1970. Currently it is marked not only in the US and Canada in February, but also in the tenth month in the UK, Germany, the Republic of Ireland and the Netherlands.
The month has developed since those days, giving reduced attention to the accounts of transatlantic enslavement and struggles for equality, and greater focus on influential individuals of color in politics, culture, and activism, and widely honoring the impact Black people have made to shape the country. It is in educational institutions where Black History Month is most frequently marked, with lectures and artistic activities. But the manner the month is commemorated is a indication of the current political situation. How it progresses is a good lesson in how appropriation leads to dismantling: the transformation of Black History Month has stymied the point of it, which is to address embedded and established prejudice.
Little demonstrates how crucial it is to reevaluate Black History Month better than the particular moment in which it occurs this year. In the United Kingdom, a reemerging right-wing in the guise of the Reform party is ahead in surveys. In the recent season we saw the largest far-right rally in British history. a prominent political figure, the Black leader of the Tory party, is a firm opponent of Black Lives Matter, and we are in a position where a legislator gains confidence to state that a lack of white people in parts of a city is a source of worry. Simultaneously, far-right parties are growing in Europe as a entirety.
In the America, a massive attack against DEI and affirmative action has been taken, repeatedly with positive outcomes, to the highest courts of the country. A campaign to erase the history of people of color and experience from the historical documents is in progress. One of the political figure's first executive orders focused on the institution dedicated to Black heritage, and the prestigious establishment, alleging that they of a “concerted and widespread effort to change the national past” by representing the nation “as naturally discriminatory”.
Given these circumstances, the celebration illustrates how little it can be effective if it is restricted to either dutiful corporate observances, or depoliticized celebrations of former accomplishments, rather than challenging the realities of the current era. It also reveals how its short period means that it is disconnected from the wider consistent effort that is needed. Denise Miller, a professor at a learning establishment, expressed it perfectly when she expressed apprehension about the temporary “tokenism” of the celebration. “The difficulty with taking a tokenistic approach”, she stated, “is that it typically leads to that Black History Month evolves into a brief show rather than a driver of transformation.”
Figuring out how to adapt, revise and extend efforts for fair treatment and appreciation in such times of discouragement and concern is a difficult task. There is a inclination to just eliminate things like Black History Month completely, thinking they are inadequate for current needs, or are relics of an time that has been ineffective.
Yet, in spite of all this, Black History Month, and in fact the entire extended network and heritage of campaigns for equality – local anti-racism groups, DEI programs, and certainly, even commercial engagements – represent an foundation that a lot of work has been invested in. It is there not only to deteriorate as the political landscape shifts (and in fact, deteriorates), but to be a vital organism.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month look like? To begin with, it would be extended beyond a brief observance: something that is dispersed across all seasons (as some institutions are already commencing), elements of its material (particularly around notable African descendants) included in academic syllabi. It would also be a time that does not avoid political issues, and leaves space for individuals, particularly young people, to express their concerns and stories. What purpose serves simple recognition of the past when it doesn’t reckon with the contemporary truth of ultra-nationalist gatherings in the urban areas? Establishments who mark it should not be pacified with the passive language of “unconscious bias” and alertness to minor insults, but confronted with the dangers that affect everyone if anti-racism is not approached earnestly. Briefly stated, Black History Month should be made contemporary, urgent, and reactive. Maybe an entire name rebrand is necessary – Black History is Now Month.
Elias Vance is a Canadian journalist and political analyst with over a decade of experience covering national affairs and policy developments.